Yehoshua Attempts to Promote a Peace Plan
From His Autobiographical Memoirs
After retiring from my permanent position at the university in 2000, I began developing an idea for advancing a peace plan between the State of Israel and the Arab countries. The proposal was based on three main principles:
A) The State of Israel would agree to transfer a strip of territory in the southern Negev that would create a land connection between Egypt and Jordan. This corridor would be narrow and, in certain sections, even subterranean. The advantage for Egypt would be a direct connection to Saudi Arabia and the holy places.
B) Egypt would allocate to the Arabs of the Gaza region, south of Rafah, a tract of land on which they could establish an independent seaport and airport. This would be provided in exchange for the direct transit route that Egypt would receive through Israeli territory in the southern Negev.
C) The State of Israel would allow the Arabs of the West Bank, in cooperation with Israel, to construct two transportation corridors—roads and highways—that would connect the West Bank with the Gaza Strip without disrupting Israeli transportation and activity in these areas.
At first glance, the plan appeared relatively simple. However, it soon became clear that it had little chance of success. Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak was unwilling even to consider any proposal involving Egyptian territorial participation or modification of Egypt’s borders.
I first presented my plan to my students and colleagues at the university. The overwhelming majority looked at me as though I had lost my mind. Nevertheless, I was not discouraged. I began delivering public lectures on the subject before audiences at the university and elsewhere. The people who were active at the Harry S. Truman Research Institute for the Advancement of Peace provided considerable assistance, both in organizing these meetings and in arranging encounters with Arab personalities whom they knew. Later, they also helped me publish an English-language booklet on the subject, approximately twenty-five pages in length, including three detailed maps illustrating the proposal.
My lectures on the subject became increasingly frequent. I spoke about the plan on the radio and at numerous conferences. Yet many friends continued to insist that the idea had no realistic prospect of success. The first person who agreed to discuss it seriously and offer his support was Giora Eiland, whom I approached in 2000 and to whom I presented my proposal. He told me that he had previously considered a similar plan and that he would attempt to advance my idea. At first, nothing came of it. Nevertheless, from that point onward I remained in regular contact with him for as long as I continued to be active in promoting the proposal.
Another person whom I approached was the American ambassador to Israel, Daniel C. Kurtzer, an American Jewish diplomat who had previously served as the United States Ambassador to Egypt. He served as ambassador to Israel from 2001 to 2005. When I requested a meeting, he received me very warmly at the American Embassy in Tel Aviv. At the conclusion of our conversation, however, he told me that he had served as the American ambassador to Egypt for seven years and did not believe that Hosni Mubarak would be willing to move in such a direction. I told him that I intended to meet with Arab leaders and public figures in Israel, and he asked me to keep him informed if anything interesting emerged, adding that he would be pleased to meet with me again.
Meanwhile, I thought it might be appropriate to present my ideas to the Prime Minister of Israel at the time, Ariel Sharon. I contacted my friend, Judge Elyakim Rubinstein, who then held an important position in the Israeli government. I asked to meet with him, and he readily agreed. During our conversation I explained my proposal and eventually asked whether he would be willing to recommend that the Prime Minister meet with me. He promised to do so.
A short time later, I received a phone call from Ariel Sharon’s secretary offering me an appointment with the Prime Minister. I accepted the proposed date and prepared carefully. I gathered numerous maps and other relevant materials that I had assembled. When I arrived and was waiting to be admitted, a friend of mine passed through the corridor. He was surprised to see that I had been invited to meet the Prime Minister and immediately asked whether I could help him arrange such a meeting as well, since he had been waiting for one for a long time.
When I entered Sharon’s large office, a number of military officers were already seated there, apparently waiting for a discussion with him on other matters. Turning to me, he said, “All right then, tell me what you are proposing.”
I briefly outlined my general plan. Then I unfolded the large maps I had brought with me and spread them out before him. I showed him a map of the southern Negev on which I had marked a corridor connecting the Egyptian border with the Jordanian border. Part of this corridor, I explained, could even be underground beneath Israeli territory, allowing Israeli north–south transportation routes to remain unaffected.
He studied the map, picked it up, and immediately remarked that, according to my proposal, there were still portions of the Negev that would have to be transferred to Egypt. Then he added:
“I fought there. I crawled through those sands and nearly gave my life there, and now you are suggesting that I give up part of them.”
I tried to explain my broader reasoning. We also touched briefly on my proposals concerning other regions of the country. After a short while, however, he signaled that our time was up.
I noticed that he folded the slip of paper he had apparently received from Elyakim Rubinstein and threw it into the wastebasket, having already fulfilled the request it contained. I rose from my chair and began gathering the large maps I had brought with me. At that point, however, he stopped me and said that the maps would remain with him—he collected maps. Naturally, I had no choice in the matter. I left all of my large maps in his possession and took my leave, thanking him for agreeing to meet with me.
A Draft for A Proposal Agreement
PHASES TOWARDS
A FINAL AND PERMANENT PEACE AGREEMENT
BETWEEN
THE STATE OF ISRAEL AND THE PALESTINIAN AUTHORITY
Phase 1 :
Towards the signing of a final peace and permanent agreement between Israel and the Palestinian Authority, the sides signing this document agree that in the full framework of this peace agreement a dual land exchange of territory will be completed between Israel, the Palestinian Authority and Egypt, in the following manner:
- Israel will transfer to Egypt, of around 500 square kilometers in the southern Negev, in the area of the Wadi Paran and on the border with the Egyptian Sinai (opposite Kuntila) which will annexed by Egypt and will become Egyptian territory for all intents and purposes. The same security conditions that have been agreed upon for the adjacent section of the Sinai will be applied to this area, in accordance with the peace agreement between Israel and Egypt.
- Israel will transfer to Egypt, a corridor-road, from the edge of territory that will be annexed by Egypt near the Sinai, to the Kingdom of Jordan, in which a multi-lane road and railway will passed. The area will also be appropriate for the passage of Egyptian-owned oil, gas, communication, and water pipelines.
- In lieu of the area and the corridor-road that will be transferred to Egypt by Israel, Egypt, will agree to transfer to the Palestinian Authority, an area around 600 square kilometers, located to the south of Rafah in the Gaza Strip. The coastline will extend some 20- 25 kilometers towards El-Arish from the present Israeli-Egyptian border and the area will extend inland into the Sinai from the coast.
- In lieu of the territory that the Palestinian Authority will receive from Egypt , the Palestinian Authority, will agree to transfer to Israel an area around 600 square kilometers beyond the cease fire line signed between Israel and Egypt, and Israel and Jordan in 1949 and in force until June 4, 1967
- In a second phase of this agreement, the following matters will be decided:1) the exact Israeli area in the Negev, its size and boundaries (including a map) , that will be agreed upon for transfer to Egypt; 2) the route and the width of the corridor-road between Egypt and Jordan (including a map) that will be transferred to Egypt 3) the size and the boundaries of the Egyptian territory (including a map) that will be agreed upon for transfer to the Palestinian Authority to the south of the Gaza Strip; 4) the size of area in square kilometers that be agreed upon to be annex to the State of Israel from beyond the June 4, 1967 border.
- The exact delineation of the area that will be annex to the State of Israel. The permanent boundary between Israel and the Palestinian Authority and also the decisions regarding the city of Jerusalem and the area surrounding, will be determined within the framework of additional phases that will be agreed upon towards the signing of a peace agreement between Israel and the Palestinian Authority.
Signatories:
